|Title||Adpositional systems in contact: the case of Cappadocian Greek|
Cappadocian Greek (henceforth Cappadocian) figures prominently in the linguistics literature as a par excellence example of “heavy borrowing” (Thomason & Kaufman 1988: 215) in which the effects of contact with Turkish are clearly identifiable on all levels of analysis, from phonology and morphology to syntax, semantics and discourse (Janse 2009 provides an overview). This paper examines a series of contact-induced changes in a domain of Cappadocian grammar that has received little, if no, attention: adpositions.
The two languages differ greatly with respect to their adpositional systems. Cappadocian has inherited a prepositional system that consists of simple and compound members; e.g., se ‘at/to’, me ‘with’; apes se ‘in(side)’, dama me ‘(together) with’ (for the distinction, see Hagège 2010). Turkish, in contrast, is exclusively postpositional displaying an array of bare and possessive-marked postpositions; e.g. için ‘for’, beri ‘since’; iç- ‘in(side)’, ön- ‘in front of’ (Göksel & Kerslake 2005).
The investigation of a substantial corpus of Cappadocian texts (Costakis 1959, 1962; Dawkins 1916; Kesisoglou 1951; Mavrochalyvidis & Kesisoglou 1960) reveals a number of noteworthy instances of both pattern and matter replication in the adpositional system of the language (in the sense of Matras & Sakel 2007):
A. Replication of head-final order. In non-contact Greek varieties, all adpositions precede their complements. In Cappadocian, only simple adpositions do. Compound adpositions, which consist of an adverb and a simple preposition, have developed into circumpositions: the original preposition remains preposed to the complement whereas the original adverbial element is postposed (1). This clearly models on Turkish postpositional phrases (2).
Circumpositional ordering of the Cappadocian type is not unknown to other Greek varieties; it is, however, a clearly marked option. We can therefore conclude that language contact favoured these marginal variants, promoting them to the status of unmarked defaults by virtue of their similarity to the corresponding Turkish pattern.
B. Borrowing of postpositions. Certain Cappadocian varieties have incorporated Turkish postpositions wholesale including their positioning relative to their complement. The cases in which this is found involve the borrowing of postpositions denoting both peripheral – non-temporal, non-spatial – and central, temporal meanings:
(4) Ulaghátsh Cappadocian
When borrowed into Cappadocian, Turkish postpositions assume the role of the adverbial element of circumpositions: (a) they retain their relative positioning after the phrasal complement; but, (b) they have to combine with a native, simple preposition to form a circumpositional phrase.
|Conference||46th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea|
|Accepted author manuscript|