|Title||Determiner spreading in Cappadocian Greek|
|Authors||Karatsareas, P. and Lekakou, M.|
In this paper, we take a micro-comparative approach to determiner spreading (DS) in Cappadocian Greek (CG). DS involves the multiple morphosyntactic realization of the definite article in a construction that is semantically monodefinite. In Standard Modern Greek (SMG), DS is optional and has special syntactic and semantic properties vis-à-vis monadic definites (see Androutsopoulou 1995; Alexiadou & Wilder 1998; Kolliakou 2004; Campos & Savrou 2004; Lekakou & Szendrői 2012, 2013; Alexiadou 2014, among others). DS licenses word order freedom unavailable to monadic definites, as shown in (1) and (2). Moreover, DS imposes a restrictive interpretation on the adjective; hence, in (3) from Kolliakou (2004), DS is infelicitous, in virtue of all cobras being poisonous.
b. to kuti to prasino
b. *to kuti prasino
(3) Idhame tis dhilitiriodhis (#tis) kobres.
In CG, DS is obligatory: adjectival modification in general triggers an additional determiner as (4) shows. The only case of apparent non-doubling involves the null definite determiner, which Karatsareas (2013) argues surfaces in specific morphological contexts, namely with historically masculine and feminine nouns, which employ a phonologically null definite article as in (5):
b. *du omurfu kuritʃ
c. *omurfu du kuritʃ
b. to meɣa Ø aðelfos ipen
Contrary to SMG, the word order in CG is rigidly DADN:
b. du kuritʃ du omurfu
Finally, in virtue of being obligatory, DS does not impose semantic restrictions on the adjective. As (7) shows, non-restrictive interpretations are readily available.
(7) Rantsam ula spitçu da domata scepasin=da d’ aspru du çon.
Following Lekakou & Szendrői (2012), DS in SMG is an instance of close apposition involving noun ellipsis. By contrast, DS in CG is an instance of definiteness agreement as in Scandinavian and the Semitic languages, where doubling is the only option (hence its obligatory status) and yields no ordering freedom. In particular, like Hebrew DS (but unlike Scandinavian DS), DS in CG yields multiple determiners in the presence of multiple adjectives, on a par with SMG, in fact:
(8) Aniksi du tʃenurʝu du prasinu du xuti tʃ’ epar ’na lokum
The locus of microvariation resides in D: the SMG determiner is uniformly expletive (Lekakou & Szendrői 2012, 2013), which enables DPs in SMG to combine semantically as predicates in an appositive relation. By contrast, in CG, the nominal determiner is semantically contentful and the adjectival one(s) are exponents of an agreement relation, in the spirit of Sichel’s (2002) proposal for Hebrew. This difference is finally argued to be due to a truly language-internal innovation of the dialect that, unlike many other CG developments, evolved independently of contact with Turkish.
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|Conference||6th International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistics Theory|
|Accepted author manuscript|