Abstract | This Alevi case study has been chosen because it shows how coloniality is at the very heart of nation-state building and affects groups intersectionally in Turkey. Internal colonialism operates against all kinds of communities who do not fit neatly into a majoritarian identity – some with claims to territorial homeland, some with no clear association with specific territories. It provides an opportunity to explore conflict and resistance through interactions between the state, religion, and education to reproduce a colonial mentality based on the Türk İslam Sentezi [Turkish Islamic Synthesis] (TIS). We start with the Alevi demands for religious autonomy and fair treatment as citizens, and then trace the development of state strategies that promote national unity by declaring Alevism to be part of Islam, restricting Alevis’ religious activities, and actively promoting Sunni Islam through education. The top-down Islamification of Turkish education will be traced through the Republican era’s post-1950s TIS and the 1980s military coup, but Erdoğan’s ruling party, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi [Justice and Development Party] (hereafter AKP) (Coşkun and Şentürk, 2012; Eroler, 2021) will be focused on in more detail. The state’s recent aim has been to restructure education in order to create a ‘Sunni-centred’ education (Eroler, 2021) to fulfil Erdoğan’s desire to produce dindar ve kindar nesil [a pious and vindictive generation] (Dogan, 2016). This is how Erdoğan envisaged his mission to Sunnify the nation through educating the next generation to be religiously pious and vindictive citizens, aggressively defending their Turkish-Islamic nation, through one language and one religion. Acknowledging the very real challenges faced by Alevis, this chapter will also consider the different ways in which the Alevi community has mobilised against the sectarian majoritarian politics of successive governments, especially post 2016, by rallying against Erdoğan’s presidential style of nationalist and religious politics. While this chapter prioritises the religious dimension of national identity following the drift of Erdoğan’s policies of Sunnification, it also recognises how it has brought Alevis (both Kurds and Turks) together in defence of their ethno-religious identity (Cetin, Jenkins, and Aydin, 2020). |
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